Autocratic Despair: The Podcast

The True Texas Project is Our AfD & It's Taken Over Fort Worth

• Nick Mortensen & Dr. Craig Johnson • Season 2 • Episode 19

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0:00 | 1:03:17

Both hosts at 7.5. Craig's highest number in 9 months of the show.

Nick Mortensen and Dr. Craig Johnson both come in at seven and a half this week. That number matters. In nine months of this show, Dr. Craig — whose scale is logarithmic, meaning a four is much worse than a three — has never gone higher. A seven and a half from Craig is not a mood. It is a professional assessment from a man with a PhD in fascism studies who does not use words carelessly.

They earn it.

Two episodes ago, the show previewed an election in a German state called Saxony-Anhalt. They were careful — every number was dated, every projection hedged with "as of taping." This week, the results are in, and the results are worse than the polls suggested. The AfD — the Alternative for Germany, a party founded in 2013 by economics professors angry about the euro and now classified by Germany's own domestic intelligence service as right-wing extremist — took 43.9 percent of the vote. They more than doubled their 2021 result of 20.8 percent. They won 39 seats in an 83-seat parliament, falling three short of an outright majority. The Christian Democrats, the center-right party that governed Saxony-Anhalt for a generation with 37 percent just five years ago, collapsed to 17.2 and lost 25 seats in a single night.

Craig walks the audience through what the numbers mean. Three seats short sounds like a loss. It is not a loss. To keep the AfD from governing, every other party in the parliament — the CDU, the SPD, the Greens, the Left, and a brand-new populist party called BSW — must agree to form a coalition together. Five parties that agree on almost nothing except that the sixth one cannot be allowed to govern. And on election night, BSW's lead candidate said his party has "overlaps" with AfD positions and that it would be "completely undemocratic" to exclude the largest party from government entirely. The AfD's 39 seats plus BSW's 5 equals 44. That is a majority. The smallest party in the room just offered to open the door for the biggest one.

The man who won is Ulrich Siegmund. He is thirty-five years old. And in November of 2023, he sat in a villa outside Potsdam — the lake town outside Berlin where Truman and Stalin divided postwar Europe, and a short drive from the villa on the Wannsee where the Nazis planned the logistics of the Final Solution — at a secret meeting where far-right figures discussed a plan they called remigration: the mass removal of asylum seekers, residents, and German citizens with migration backgrounds deemed unassimilated. Investigative journalists at Correctiv exposed the meeting in January of 2024. More than a million Germans marched in response, in hundreds of cities, carrying signs that read "Never again is now" and "We are the firewall." A million people in the street bought thirty months. The man from the villa just won his election.

Nick lays the growth curve on the table: the party that became the Nazi Party started with fifty-five members and a numbering trick — membership cards beginning at 501 so the room looked ten times bigger than it was. Thirteen years later, that party governed Germany. The AfD was founded in 2013. Thirteen years later, it holds 44 percent of Saxony-Anhalt and leads the national polls. And in two weeks, on September 20, two more German states vote — Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, where the AfD has doubled from 16.7 to 36 in the polls, and Berlin, the capital, the multicultural city everyone assumed was immune, where the AfD has gone from 9 percent to 18. Same pattern, every state: the far right doubles and the center-right halves.

Then Nick pivots — and the pivot is the episode.

Because the word remigration did not stay in Germany. It is on a conference flyer. In Fort Worth, Texas. Published by an organization called the True Texas Project.

The show introduces the audience to Tarrant County — not the rural Texas they imagine when they hear "north Texas," but the county where the Dallas Cowboys play, home to Fort Worth, a city of a million people bigger than San Francisco, in the fourth-largest metro in America. A county that was 75 percent white twenty years ago and is now 42 percent white, majority-minority, median age thirty-five. The last big urban county in Texas that Republicans still control. The county where Biden won by 1,800 votes in 2020 and Trump won by 42,000 in 2024. And the county where, on September 1, a five-person commissioners court voted three to two along party lines to cut 92 Election Day polling places — a thirty percent reduction — while also eliminating voting sites at the University of Texas at Arlington and two community college campuses, over the objections of the NAACP, the ACLU of Texas, and more than a hundred speakers who showed up to say no. The room chanted "shame" after the vote. Commissioner Roderick Miles called it a modern-day poll tax. Commissioner Alisa Simmons, who is running against the county judge in November, said to his face: this is not about cost, this is about power, this is campaigning from the dais.

The True Texas Project was founded in 2009 as the NE Tarrant Tea Party by Julie McCarty. After the El Paso Walmart massacre of 2019 — twenty-three people murdered by a gunman with a Great Replacement manifesto — McCarty wrote publicly that she did not condone the actions but certainly understood where they came from. Her husband Fred wrote that you cannot demographically replace a once proud, strong people without getting blowback. Later that year, the group rebranded. The new name reflects, per their own website, an expanded vision and reach. Both of those things are true, in that order.

The organization now has fifteen chapters across Texas, funded through a PAC that in 2022 received over ninety-two percent of its money from Defend Texas Liberty — a PAC funded almost entirely by West Texas oil billionaires Tim Dunn and Farris Wilks, the same PAC whose president hosted Nick Fuentes for seven hours at its offices in October 2023. After that story broke, the PAC renamed itself the Texas Freedom Fund for the Advancement of Justice. Same wallet. New paint. That wallet also funds Bo French, the former Tarrant County GOP chair now running for the Railroad Commission, who spoke at a True Texas Project event and called for deporting a hundred million people at CPAC. And Leigh Wambsganss, the Patriot Mobile executive who built the Southlake school board takeover and co-founded her PAC with Tim O'Hare — the same O'Hare who now presides as county judge over the commissioners court that just cut the polling places. One money trail. One ecosystem. One county where the tightest Senate race in Texas since 1988 — Ken Paxton against James Talarico — will be decided in November with 92 fewer doors.

Comedy, commedia, autocracy, fascism, and a functioning sense of fun about the end of the republic — a show about authoritarianism that somehow stays worth listening to. The abyss is better with friends.

Names in this episode: Nick Mortensen, Dr. Craig Johnson, Ulrich Siegmund, Alice Weidel, Martin Sellner, Alexander Gauland, Björn Höcke, Elon Musk, Adolf Hitler, Julie McCarty, Fred McCarty, Tim O'Hare, Matt Krause, Manny Ramirez, Alisa Simmons, Roderick Miles Jr., Tim Dunn, Farris Wilks, Jonathan Stickland, Ken Paxton, James Talarico, Catherine Godby

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Autocratic Despair is a comedy podcast about surviving American authoritarianism. Nick Mortensen is a comedian and father of three from Green Bay, Wisconsin. Dr. Craig Johnson holds a PhD in global fascism, lectures at UC Berkeley, and wrote How to Talk to Your Son About Fascism.

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